Susan Riley is a writer for the Ottawa Citizen.
She has a fine example of moral equivocating displayed in the pages of that paper today. I'm in a critical mood and today's target is Susan Riley. I'm going to give her the full treatment.
The air is charged with dire predictions, dark warnings, foreshadowings of apocalypse: The Groupaction affair, it is said, is the final straw for the Chrétien government, the coup de grace.
The first signs of this disaffection may be evident Monday in the results of six federal by-elections, suggests a CBC pundit. After years of corruption, the corpse is decomposing from the inside and the stench is unmistakable, says Tory Peter MacKay -- or words to that effect. The jig is finally up, say several hopeful columnists.
These couple of paragraphs are classic straw man positioning. Riley exaggerates and ridicules the position that she wants to deride because an accurate reporting of that position would not lend itself to the dramatics she wants to engage in... I haven't heard anyone claiming that this is an 'apocalyptic' development, have you? Riley mentions a number of columnists and a 'CBC pundit' but she doesn't use any names, why? Because using a name would place upon her the burden of accuracy in reporting their comments and accuracy is not the point of this exercise. The point of this exercise is to downplay the seriousness of this Groupaction episode.
Not so. In fact, this scandal could be over before it has even begun. The three smelly advertising contracts that Auditor General Sheila Fraser says "broke every rule in the book" are already being reviewed by the RCMP. The police report will likely take weeks, if not months; in the meantime, cabinet ministers will deflect pointed questions by claiming they cannot comment on an ongoing inquiry.
They can run, but they can't hide, indignant editorialists will say. Fraser was so appalled by the mismanagement of the Groupaction file that she has ordered a second audit of all federal advertising, polling and sponsorship contracts. That will uncover a cesspool of patronage and sleaze, offences so blatant and numerous they will destroy the Liberal government, says just about everyone.
Problem is, Fraser's investigation won't conclude until the end of next year-- after Jean Chrétien announces his resignation, if common sense prevails, or long enough before another election for remedial action to be taken, grudging apologies to be offered, scapegoats to be found. If Fraser's report is anything like the extensive APEC commission report, it will have long since been overtaken by events.
Opposition parties are aware of this. That is why they are pressing for an independent judicial inquiry into the Liberals' "culture of corruption." Unnecessary, say the Liberals, with some justification: Both the RCMP and the auditor general are looking into the affair. That's hardly a coverup.
Riley here describes, pretty accurately, the tactic of covering up an issue through delays and procedural wrangling. But then she turns around to say that there is no cover-up because it's only delays. I guess she has a quota of words to deliver, there's nothing else to explain four paragraphs that describe such a perfect circle.
The problem with the Groupaction scandal is that, so far, it isn't interesting enough. And scandal cannot, by definition, be dull.
Sounds surprisingly similar to Chretien's defence of his own actions in the Grand-Mere business, doesn't it?
What we know is that senior Public Works bureaucrats disregarded existing rules and shovelled some $1.6 million to a Montreal advertising agency to help the federal government buy visibility in Quebec in the wake of the whisker-close 1995 referendum.
This is the heart of the Liberal lie about Groupaction. "Sure mistakes were made, sure we were a little fast and loose with the regulations, sure we could have done better, BUT look what was at stake!!! The very future of the country was hanging in the balance." It's an unacceptable excuse for criminal behaviour. Riley's acceptance, and repetition, of that premise is what makes me suspect her motives. Perhaps she is merely too credulous but I tend to suspect that she knows exactly what she is doing. It is a dishonest rationalization of a criminal act. This was not an error, it was theft. It drives me nuts that so many people, even in the House of Commons, accept this rationalization unthinkingly. The Liberals continue to point the finger back at the opposition parties saying that 'this member got a sponsorship contract in his riding' and 'that member attempted to get a sponsorship contract in her riding' and all the Liberal lemmings 'OOOHHH' and "AAAAHHH' on cue. Not one of these rubes in the opposition point out the glaringly obvious point; sponsorship itself is a questionable political policy but we are not talking about sponsorship we are talking about payments made to Liberal supporters for trinkets and beads. You might as well trade a suitcase full of cash for a suitcase full of flypaper and claim that you're simply trading luggage. And no-one seems to catch on to that. Not one of these sad sacks on the opposition benches has pointed out the difference between a bad policy and a criminal act. Why?
The contracts weren't properly tendered, the work wasn't fully described and what was asked for was never delivered. Yet the money was paid to Groupaction, a contributor to the federal Liberal party, with no questions asked.
The woman understands what happened but she's determined to play down it's importance I guess.
Bad, even shocking -- especially, as Fraser points out, since Public Works is the government's chief purchaser. More disturbing is testimony from long-time Public Works bureaucrat, Chuck Guite, that he always did business this way. But the scandal will remain localized -- a matter of a few bad apples in a department with a dubious history -- unless it is linked directly to the former minister, Alfonso Gagliano.
Even if that happens -- and, as Joe Clark points out, it would be surprising if senior bureaucrats ignored rules so blithely without ministerial approval -- Gagliano is gone. Gone to Denmark, not dragged away in leg-irons, but gone. By the time Fraser reports again, the controversial minister will be a distant memory. His successor, Don Boudria, is already ordering audits, tightening up scrutiny, ensuring no single firm gets too many contracts -- cleaning up the shop, in so many words.
This activity is an indirect acknowledgement of past abuses, but it may be enough to blunt opposition attacks. So will the fact that all political parties send advertising and polling work to friendly companies. It is a system ripe for abuse, but the abuse isn't Liberal-specific.
Here she is doing it again. She's smearing all the other parties - 'everyone does it' - without backing up the accusation. Give us some examples Ms. Riley. She's intentionally blurring the line between patronage (which indeed everyone does) and criminality. Shame on her for that.
In the end, the opposition wastes its time chasing mosquitoes while real outrages go ignored. There is cabinet's cavalier reluctance to sign Kyoto; its impotence in the face of the softwood-lumber dispute; its paralysis over threatening new U.S. agriculture subsidies; the fact that nearly as much is being spent on security at the upcoming Kananaskis G8 summit as is earmarked to fight African poverty. Now those are scandals worth fretting about.
Isn't it funny that all of Ms. Riley's 'scandals' originate and resonate outside of Canada? Isn't it funny that Ms. Riley who obviously understands the truth of what's happened still wants to downplay the matter? It's a 'mosquito' and there are 'real outrages' to concern ourselves with. It's not worth 'fretting about' a little theft in lowly old Canada. Let's focus on the rest of the world and quit making such a big deal over a few million dollars worth of fraud here and there. How unCanadian to make such a fuss about such a petty little theft.
She has a fine example of moral equivocating displayed in the pages of that paper today. I'm in a critical mood and today's target is Susan Riley. I'm going to give her the full treatment.
The air is charged with dire predictions, dark warnings, foreshadowings of apocalypse: The Groupaction affair, it is said, is the final straw for the Chrétien government, the coup de grace.
The first signs of this disaffection may be evident Monday in the results of six federal by-elections, suggests a CBC pundit. After years of corruption, the corpse is decomposing from the inside and the stench is unmistakable, says Tory Peter MacKay -- or words to that effect. The jig is finally up, say several hopeful columnists.
These couple of paragraphs are classic straw man positioning. Riley exaggerates and ridicules the position that she wants to deride because an accurate reporting of that position would not lend itself to the dramatics she wants to engage in... I haven't heard anyone claiming that this is an 'apocalyptic' development, have you? Riley mentions a number of columnists and a 'CBC pundit' but she doesn't use any names, why? Because using a name would place upon her the burden of accuracy in reporting their comments and accuracy is not the point of this exercise. The point of this exercise is to downplay the seriousness of this Groupaction episode.
Not so. In fact, this scandal could be over before it has even begun. The three smelly advertising contracts that Auditor General Sheila Fraser says "broke every rule in the book" are already being reviewed by the RCMP. The police report will likely take weeks, if not months; in the meantime, cabinet ministers will deflect pointed questions by claiming they cannot comment on an ongoing inquiry.
They can run, but they can't hide, indignant editorialists will say. Fraser was so appalled by the mismanagement of the Groupaction file that she has ordered a second audit of all federal advertising, polling and sponsorship contracts. That will uncover a cesspool of patronage and sleaze, offences so blatant and numerous they will destroy the Liberal government, says just about everyone.
Problem is, Fraser's investigation won't conclude until the end of next year-- after Jean Chrétien announces his resignation, if common sense prevails, or long enough before another election for remedial action to be taken, grudging apologies to be offered, scapegoats to be found. If Fraser's report is anything like the extensive APEC commission report, it will have long since been overtaken by events.
Opposition parties are aware of this. That is why they are pressing for an independent judicial inquiry into the Liberals' "culture of corruption." Unnecessary, say the Liberals, with some justification: Both the RCMP and the auditor general are looking into the affair. That's hardly a coverup.
Riley here describes, pretty accurately, the tactic of covering up an issue through delays and procedural wrangling. But then she turns around to say that there is no cover-up because it's only delays. I guess she has a quota of words to deliver, there's nothing else to explain four paragraphs that describe such a perfect circle.
The problem with the Groupaction scandal is that, so far, it isn't interesting enough. And scandal cannot, by definition, be dull.
Sounds surprisingly similar to Chretien's defence of his own actions in the Grand-Mere business, doesn't it?
What we know is that senior Public Works bureaucrats disregarded existing rules and shovelled some $1.6 million to a Montreal advertising agency to help the federal government buy visibility in Quebec in the wake of the whisker-close 1995 referendum.
This is the heart of the Liberal lie about Groupaction. "Sure mistakes were made, sure we were a little fast and loose with the regulations, sure we could have done better, BUT look what was at stake!!! The very future of the country was hanging in the balance." It's an unacceptable excuse for criminal behaviour. Riley's acceptance, and repetition, of that premise is what makes me suspect her motives. Perhaps she is merely too credulous but I tend to suspect that she knows exactly what she is doing. It is a dishonest rationalization of a criminal act. This was not an error, it was theft. It drives me nuts that so many people, even in the House of Commons, accept this rationalization unthinkingly. The Liberals continue to point the finger back at the opposition parties saying that 'this member got a sponsorship contract in his riding' and 'that member attempted to get a sponsorship contract in her riding' and all the Liberal lemmings 'OOOHHH' and "AAAAHHH' on cue. Not one of these rubes in the opposition point out the glaringly obvious point; sponsorship itself is a questionable political policy but we are not talking about sponsorship we are talking about payments made to Liberal supporters for trinkets and beads. You might as well trade a suitcase full of cash for a suitcase full of flypaper and claim that you're simply trading luggage. And no-one seems to catch on to that. Not one of these sad sacks on the opposition benches has pointed out the difference between a bad policy and a criminal act. Why?
The contracts weren't properly tendered, the work wasn't fully described and what was asked for was never delivered. Yet the money was paid to Groupaction, a contributor to the federal Liberal party, with no questions asked.
The woman understands what happened but she's determined to play down it's importance I guess.
Bad, even shocking -- especially, as Fraser points out, since Public Works is the government's chief purchaser. More disturbing is testimony from long-time Public Works bureaucrat, Chuck Guite, that he always did business this way. But the scandal will remain localized -- a matter of a few bad apples in a department with a dubious history -- unless it is linked directly to the former minister, Alfonso Gagliano.
Even if that happens -- and, as Joe Clark points out, it would be surprising if senior bureaucrats ignored rules so blithely without ministerial approval -- Gagliano is gone. Gone to Denmark, not dragged away in leg-irons, but gone. By the time Fraser reports again, the controversial minister will be a distant memory. His successor, Don Boudria, is already ordering audits, tightening up scrutiny, ensuring no single firm gets too many contracts -- cleaning up the shop, in so many words.
This activity is an indirect acknowledgement of past abuses, but it may be enough to blunt opposition attacks. So will the fact that all political parties send advertising and polling work to friendly companies. It is a system ripe for abuse, but the abuse isn't Liberal-specific.
Here she is doing it again. She's smearing all the other parties - 'everyone does it' - without backing up the accusation. Give us some examples Ms. Riley. She's intentionally blurring the line between patronage (which indeed everyone does) and criminality. Shame on her for that.
In the end, the opposition wastes its time chasing mosquitoes while real outrages go ignored. There is cabinet's cavalier reluctance to sign Kyoto; its impotence in the face of the softwood-lumber dispute; its paralysis over threatening new U.S. agriculture subsidies; the fact that nearly as much is being spent on security at the upcoming Kananaskis G8 summit as is earmarked to fight African poverty. Now those are scandals worth fretting about.
Isn't it funny that all of Ms. Riley's 'scandals' originate and resonate outside of Canada? Isn't it funny that Ms. Riley who obviously understands the truth of what's happened still wants to downplay the matter? It's a 'mosquito' and there are 'real outrages' to concern ourselves with. It's not worth 'fretting about' a little theft in lowly old Canada. Let's focus on the rest of the world and quit making such a big deal over a few million dollars worth of fraud here and there. How unCanadian to make such a fuss about such a petty little theft.
